The following excerpt from THE REPORT FROM IRON MOUNTAIN was published in book form in 1967 and then forever thrown down the memory hole. The following 3 pages literally explains everything that has happened in America and the world ever since.
Link to FULL DOCUMENT: Report_from_Iron_Mountain.doc (howardnema.com)
REPORT FROM IRON MOUNTAIN: ON THE POSSIBILITY AND DESIRABILITY OF PEACE
With introductory material by Leonard C. Lewin The Dial Press, Inc. 1967, New York Library of Congress Catalog card Number 67-27553 Printed in the U.S.
SECTION 6 - SUBSTITUTES FOR THE FUNCTIONS OF WAR
By now it should be clear that the most detailed and comprehensive master plan
for a transition to world peace will remain academic if it fails to deal
forthrightly with the problem of the critical nonmilitary functions of war. The
social needs they serve are essential; if the war system no longer exists to meet
them, substitute institutions will have to be established for the purpose. These
surrogates must be "realistic," which is to say of a scope and nature that can be
conceived and implemented in the context of present-day social capabilities.
This is not the truism it may appear to be; the requirements of radical social
change often reveal the distinction between a most conservative projection and
a wildly utopian scheme to be fine indeed.
In this section we will consider some possible substitutes for these functions.
Only in rare instances have they been put forth for the purposes which concern
us here, but we see no reason to limit ourselves to proposals that address
themselves explicitly to the problem as we have outlined it. We will disregard
the ostensible, or military, functions of war; it is a premise of this study that the
transition to peace implies absolutely that they will no longer exist in any
relevant sense. We will also disregard the noncritical functions exemplified at
the end of the preceding section.
ECONOMIC
Economic surrogates for war must meet two principal criteria. They must be
"wasteful," in the common sense of the word, and they must operate outside the
normal supply-demand system. A corollary that should be obvious is that the
magnitude of the waste must be sufficient to meet the needs of a particular
society. An economy as advanced and complex as our own requires the planned
average annual destruction of not less than 10 percent of gross national product
if it is effectively to fulfill its stabilizing function. When the mass of a balance
wheel is inadequate to the power it is intended to control, its effect can be selfdefeating, as with a runaway locomotive. The analogy, though crude, is
especially apt for the American economy, as our record of cyclical depressions
shows. All have taken place during periods of grossly inadequate military
spending.
Those few economic conversion programs which by implication acknowledge
the nonmilitary economic function of war (at least to some extent) tend to
assume that so-called social-welfare expenditures will fill the vacuum created
by the disappearance of military spending. When one considers the backlog of
un- finished business---proposed but still unexecuted---in this field, the
assumption seems plausible. Let us examine briefly the following list, which is
more or less typical of general social welfare programs.
HEALTH. Drastic expansion of medical research, education, and training
facilities; hospital and clinic construction; the general objective of complete
government-guaranteed health care for all, at a level consistent with current
developments in medical technology.
EDUCATION. The equivalent of the foregoing in teacher training; schools and
libraries; the drastic upgrading of standards, with the general objective of
making available for all an attainable educational goal equivalent to what is
now considered a professional degree.
HOUSING. Clean, comfortable, safe, and spacious living space for all, at the
level now enjoyed by about 15 percent of the population in this country (less in
most others).
TRANSPORTATION. The establishment of a system of mass public
transportation making it possible for all to travel to and from areas of work and
recreation quickly, comfortably, and conveniently, and to travel privately for
pleasure rather than necessity.
PHYSICAL ENVIRONMENT. The development and protection of water
supplies, forests, parks, and other natural resources; the elimination of chemical
and bacterial contaminants from air, water, and soil.
POVERTY. The genuine elimination of poverty, defined by a standard
consistent with current economic productivity, by means of a guaranteed annual
income or whatever system of distribution will best assure its achievement.
This is only a sampler of the more obvious domestic social welfare items, and
we have listed it in a deliberately broad, perhaps extravagant, manner. In the
past, such a vague and ambitious-sounding "program" would have been
dismissed out of hand, without serious consideration; it would clearly have
been, prima facie, far too costly, quite apart from its political implications. Our
objective to it, on the other hand, could hardly be more contradictory. As an
economic substitute for war, it is inadequate because it would be far too cheap.
If this seems paradoxical, it must be remembered that up to now all proposed
social-welfare expenditures have had to be measured within the war economy,
not as a replacement for it. The old slogan about a battleship or an ICBM
costing as much as x hospitals or y schools or z homes takes on a very different
meaning if there are to be more battleships or ICBM's.
Since the list is general, we have elected to forestall the tangential controversy
that surrounds arbitrary cost projections by offering no individual cost
estimates. But the maximum program that could be physically effected along
the lines indicated could approach the established level of military spending
only for a limited time--in our opinion, subject to a detailed cost-and-feasibility
analysis, less than ten years. In this short period, at this rate, the major goals of
the program would have been achieved. Its capital-investment phase would
have been completed, and it would have established a permanent comparatively
modest level of annual operating cost--within the framework of the general
economy.
Here is the basic weakness of the social-welfare surrogate. On the short-term
basis, a maximum program of this sort could replace a normal military spending
program, provided it was designed, like the military model, to be subject to
arbitrary control. Public housing starts, for example, or the development of
modern medical centers might be accelerated or halted from time to time, as the
requirements of a stable economy might dictate. But on the long-term basis,
social-welfare spending, no matter how often redefined, would necessarily
become an integral, accepted part of the economy, of no more value as a
stabilizer than the automobile industry or old age and survivors' insurance.
Apart from whatever merit social-welfare programs are deemed to have for their
own sake, their function as a substitute for war in the economy would thus be
self-liquidating. They might serve, however, as expedients pending the
development of more durable substitute measures.
Another economic surrogate that has been proposed is a series of giant "space
research" programs. These have already demonstrated their utility in more
modest scale within the military economy. What has been implied, although not
yet expressly put forth, is the development of a long-range sequence of spaceresearch
projects with largely unattainable goals. This kind of program offers
several advantages lacking in the social welfare model. First, it is unlikely to
phase itself out, regardless of the predictable "surprises" science has in store for
us: the universe is too big. In the event some individual project unexpectedly
succeeds there would be no dearth of substitute problems. For example, if
colonization of the moon proceeds on schedule, it could then become
"necessary" to establish a beachhead on Mars or Jupiter, and so on. Second, it
need be no more dependent on the general supply-demand economy than its
military prototype. Third, it lends itself extraordinarily well to arbitrary control.
END OF EXCERPT
How's that for understanding the clandestine efforts of the New World Order shadow government? I hope this clarifies and identifies the totalitarian forces workind to enslave humanity and how COVID-19 is being used as a means to that end.
