REPORT FROM IRON MOUNTAIN: ON THE POSSIBILITY AND DESIRABILITY OF PEACE

The following excerpt from THE REPORT FROM IRON MOUNTAIN was published in book form in 1967 and then forever thrown down the memory hole.  The following 3 pages literally explains everything that has happened in America and the world ever since. 

Link to FULL DOCUMENT:  Report_from_Iron_Mountain.doc (howardnema.com)

REPORT FROM IRON MOUNTAIN: ON THE POSSIBILITY AND DESIRABILITY OF PEACE 

With introductory material by Leonard C. Lewin The Dial Press, Inc. 1967, New York Library of Congress Catalog card Number 67-27553 Printed in the U.S.

SECTION 6 - SUBSTITUTES FOR THE FUNCTIONS OF WAR

By now it should be clear that the most detailed and comprehensive master plan

for a transition to world peace will remain academic if it fails to deal

forthrightly with the problem of the critical nonmilitary functions of war. The

social needs they serve are essential; if the war system no longer exists to meet

them, substitute institutions will have to be established for the purpose. These

surrogates must be "realistic," which is to say of a scope and nature that can be

conceived and implemented in the context of present-day social capabilities.

This is not the truism it may appear to be; the requirements of radical social

change often reveal the distinction between a most conservative projection and

a wildly utopian scheme to be fine indeed.

In this section we will consider some possible substitutes for these functions.

Only in rare instances have they been put forth for the purposes which concern

us here, but we see no reason to limit ourselves to proposals that address

themselves explicitly to the problem as we have outlined it. We will disregard

the ostensible, or military, functions of war; it is a premise of this study that the

transition to peace implies absolutely that they will no longer exist in any

relevant sense. We will also disregard the noncritical functions exemplified at

the end of the preceding section.

ECONOMIC

Economic surrogates for war must meet two principal criteria. They must be

"wasteful," in the common sense of the word, and they must operate outside the

normal supply-demand system. A corollary that should be obvious is that the

magnitude of the waste must be sufficient to meet the needs of a particular

society. An economy as advanced and complex as our own requires the planned

average annual destruction of not less than 10 percent of gross national product

if it is effectively to fulfill its stabilizing function. When the mass of a balance

wheel is inadequate to the power it is intended to control, its effect can be selfdefeating, as with a runaway locomotive. The analogy, though crude, is

especially apt for the American economy, as our record of cyclical depressions

shows. All have taken place during periods of grossly inadequate military

spending.

Those few economic conversion programs which by implication acknowledge

the nonmilitary economic function of war (at least to some extent) tend to

assume that so-called social-welfare expenditures will fill the vacuum created

by the disappearance of military spending. When one considers the backlog of

un- finished business---proposed but still unexecuted---in this field, the

assumption seems plausible. Let us examine briefly the following list, which is

more or less typical of general social welfare programs.

HEALTH. Drastic expansion of medical research, education, and training

facilities; hospital and clinic construction; the general objective of complete

government-guaranteed health care for all, at a level consistent with current

developments in medical technology.

EDUCATION. The equivalent of the foregoing in teacher training; schools and

libraries; the drastic upgrading of standards, with the general objective of

making available for all an attainable educational goal equivalent to what is

now considered a professional degree.

HOUSING. Clean, comfortable, safe, and spacious living space for all, at the

level now enjoyed by about 15 percent of the population in this country (less in

most others).

TRANSPORTATION. The establishment of a system of mass public

transportation making it possible for all to travel to and from areas of work and

recreation quickly, comfortably, and conveniently, and to travel privately for

pleasure rather than necessity.

PHYSICAL ENVIRONMENT. The development and protection of water

supplies, forests, parks, and other natural resources; the elimination of chemical

and bacterial contaminants from air, water, and soil.

POVERTY. The genuine elimination of poverty, defined by a standard

consistent with current economic productivity, by means of a guaranteed annual

income or whatever system of distribution will best assure its achievement.

This is only a sampler of the more obvious domestic social welfare items, and

we have listed it in a deliberately broad, perhaps extravagant, manner. In the

past, such a vague and ambitious-sounding "program" would have been

dismissed out of hand, without serious consideration; it would clearly have

been, prima facie, far too costly, quite apart from its political implications. Our

objective to it, on the other hand, could hardly be more contradictory. As an

economic substitute for war, it is inadequate because it would be far too cheap.

If this seems paradoxical, it must be remembered that up to now all proposed

social-welfare expenditures have had to be measured within the war economy,

not as a replacement for it. The old slogan about a battleship or an ICBM

costing as much as x hospitals or y schools or z homes takes on a very different

meaning if there are to be more battleships or ICBM's.

Since the list is general, we have elected to forestall the tangential controversy

that surrounds arbitrary cost projections by offering no individual cost

estimates. But the maximum program that could be physically effected along

the lines indicated could approach the established level of military spending

only for a limited time--in our opinion, subject to a detailed cost-and-feasibility

analysis, less than ten years. In this short period, at this rate, the major goals of

the program would have been achieved. Its capital-investment phase would

have been completed, and it would have established a permanent comparatively

modest level of annual operating cost--within the framework of the general

economy.

Here is the basic weakness of the social-welfare surrogate. On the short-term

basis, a maximum program of this sort could replace a normal military spending

program, provided it was designed, like the military model, to be subject to

arbitrary control. Public housing starts, for example, or the development of

modern medical centers might be accelerated or halted from time to time, as the

requirements of a stable economy might dictate. But on the long-term basis,

social-welfare spending, no matter how often redefined, would necessarily

become an integral, accepted part of the economy, of no more value as a

stabilizer than the automobile industry or old age and survivors' insurance.

Apart from whatever merit social-welfare programs are deemed to have for their

own sake, their function as a substitute for war in the economy would thus be

self-liquidating. They might serve, however, as expedients pending the

development of more durable substitute measures.

Another economic surrogate that has been proposed is a series of giant "space

research" programs. These have already demonstrated their utility in more

modest scale within the military economy. What has been implied, although not

yet expressly put forth, is the development of a long-range sequence of spaceresearch 

projects with largely unattainable goals. This kind of program offers

several advantages lacking in the social welfare model. First, it is unlikely to

phase itself out, regardless of the predictable "surprises" science has in store for

us: the universe is too big. In the event some individual project unexpectedly

succeeds there would be no dearth of substitute problems. For example, if

colonization of the moon proceeds on schedule, it could then become

"necessary" to establish a beachhead on Mars or Jupiter, and so on. Second, it

need be no more dependent on the general supply-demand economy than its

military prototype. Third, it lends itself extraordinarily well to arbitrary control.

END OF EXCERPT

How's that for understanding the clandestine efforts of the New World Order shadow government?   I hope this clarifies and identifies the totalitarian forces workind to enslave humanity and how COVID-19 is being used as a means to that end.